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South Africa came late to television; when it finally arrived in the late 1970s the rest of the world had already begun to shun the country because of apartheid. While the ruling National Party feared the integrative effects of television, they did not foresee how exclusion from globally unifying broadcasts would gradually erode their power. Throughout the apartheid-era South Africa was barred from participating in some of television's greatest global attractions, including sporting events such as the Olympics and contests such as Miss World. After apartheid, and with the release of Nelson Mandela from prison – itself one of the world's most memorable media events, came a proliferation of large-scale live broadcasts that attracted the admiration of the rest of the world. At the same time, the country was permitted to return to international competition. These events were pivotal in shaping and consolidating the country's emerging post-apartheid national identity. Broadcasting the End of Apartheid assesses the socio-political effect of live broadcasting on South Africa's transition to democracy. MJ Evans argues that just as print media had a powerful influence on the development of Afrikaner nationalism, so the 'liveness' of television helped to consolidate the 'newness' of the post-apartheid South African national identity.
"One bottleneck that has bedeviled Africa has been the espousing of the pseudo-ideology of sectarianism of religion or tribe as well as chauvinism vis a vis the women. It is this pseudo-ideology that has fuelled most of the conflicts in Africa. We are also witnessing the same pseudo-ideology causing havoc in the Middle East and North Africa. When uninformed outsiders link-up with these pseudo-ideologists, the permutation is most tragic. The sectarian ideology is pseudo and bankrupt because it is at variance with the people's real interests of symbiosis, exchange of goods and services as well as integration for mutual benefit. Only parasites revel in such schemes. This pseudo-ideology should be banished and treated with the contempt it deserves."
"The Sahel was one of the first regions to experience the phenomenon of terrorism. But thanks to the close security cooperation between the countries of the region and the international solidarity, the terrorists were pushed back and the activities of illegal trafficking networks were paralyzed. Africans [have] rigorously faced a difficult situation in North Mali. Thus, several countries of the continent, along with international friendly forces fought against terrorist groups. The risk of terrorism was removed from the vital areas which served as a base for the launching of criminal terrorist operations. The French intervention was determinant and appropriate. Likewise, history will retain the great sacrifices made and which are still made by the brave soldiers from Tchad. But the region is still exposed to security risks which are for now relatively contained."
[UN summary] "To manage diversity in societies, politics must be international in scope, he said, adding that negative experiences of nationalism had created doubt about patriotism and national identity. Today, it was evident that national identities were too weak. Regionalism and religions had become the dominant forces, tearing nations apart. In Rwanda, the focus had been on building Government institutions that were held to account and on renewing the dignity of the nation. As a result, Rwandans were the most optimistic people in the world, with faith in their Government and institutions. It was up to the international community to not just manage conflicts, but to help prevent and end them."
"On the continent of Africa the development model of the past 50 years has run its course. This outmoded model was defined by negative trade relations, paternalistic global governance regimes and an over reliance on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Moreover it was driven by external prescriptions for development that were heavy on political instruction but light on economic and social transformation.
"We now know better Mr. President. We know that our social and economic transformation shall come first from within our nations, our region and our continent and only secondly from the compliment of external ideas and resources. Equally important, these external contributions must recognize the primacy of our aspirations and ideas. They must value and safe guard, rather than simply exploit and consume our domestic resources and the product of our people's labour."
"Mr. President, the violent and criminal activities of Boko Haram have continued to pose a potent challenge to the government and people of Nigeria. Through a wave of terror, assassinations, bombings, and now abductions and kidnappings predominantly in the North East of the country, Boko Haram is attempting to truncate development, by murder and mayhem, in these areas. In April, our innocent daughters were abducted from a Secondary School, in Chibok-North East Nigeria. This callous and criminal act has attracted empathy and support for Nigeria across the globe."
"Given our history and heritage, we are mindful of our historic and moral responsibility in the global struggle against racism, racial discrimination and other intolerances.
"We will in this regard, continue to be at the forefront of efforts to eliminate all forms of racism, racial discrimination and any other intolerance including xenophobia and anti-Semitism....
"We will continue to support the struggles for freedom and self-determination, including the struggles of the peoples of Palestine and Western Sahara who continue to experience occupation and colonialism of different forms.
"The people of Cuba also hold a special place in our hearts because of that country's sacrifice for African freedom. We will therefore continue to support their struggle for economic liberation."
[UN summary] "Chad would continue to support the processes of dialogue and reconciliation throughout Africa, he said. Regarding the new Libya, which had barely begun to exist after the fall of Qadhafi’s regime, the violence had doubled in intensity and populations lived in constant fear. However, Libyans must resolutely commit to a political resolution process, which was the only proper path to ensure peace, unity and territorial integrity for Libya. Chad, as well as Nigeria, Sudan and the Central African Republic, had welcomed hundreds of thousands of refugees who had fled armed conflicts or terrorist threats. There were more than 500,000 refugees from neighbouring countries in Chad, including many repatriated Chadians and displaced Chadians."
[UN summary] "Democracy was not an imported product, he said, and could not be designed in the offices of other countries. Democracy was formed through the application of positive values characterizing a society, and only the people were able to define the model that best suited them. Equatorial Guinea was being made into a modern democratic State, in which politics were now at their peak. The transfer of power was guaranteed through equal rights for all political options, the administration of public affairs was carried out with transparency, and human rights were monitored by reliable institutions."
At the heart of South Africa’s ‘miracle’ transition from intractable ethno-racial conflict to democracy was an improvised nation born out of war weariness, hope, idealism and calculated pragmatism on the part of the elites who negotiated the compromise settlement. In the absence of any of the conventional bonds of national consciousness, the improvised nation was fixed on the civic identity and national citizenship envisaged in the new constitution.
In the twentieth anniversary year of the country’s democracy, South Africa reviews the progress of nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa, assesses how well the improvised nation has been embedded in a shared life for South Africans and offers a prognosis for its future. It draws up a socio-economic profile of the population which is the raw material of nation-building. It measures the contributions of the polity and the constitution, religion and values, as well as sport and the media, to building a sense of national citizenship. The book explains the abrupt discontinuity between the contributions of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki to nation-building and goes on to note the changing focus from reconciliation between black and white to include a concern for social cohesion in a society beset by violent crime, corruption and citizen deviance and dissidence.
South Africa reconsiders the short, intense life cycle of Afrikaner nationalism and portrays the ambiguous relationships between African nationalism, non-racialism, civic nationalism and ‘African tradition’ in the ideology and practice of the African National Congress. In doing so, it provides a comprehensive analysis of a crucial aspect of South Africa’s first twenty years of democracy, as well as exploring intriguing questions for the student of nationalism.
